CHILIMA REFORMS: Detailed Summary: Review of Malawi Public Service Systems Report

Introduction

On February 19, 2021, President Lazarus McCarthy Chakwera appointed a Special Taskforce, chaired by Vice President Saulos Klaus Chilima, to review Malawi's public service systems focusing on allowances, procurement, and employment contracts. The goal was to recommend reforms for greater efficiency, effectiveness, and integrity, supporting the Malawi 2063 vision. The Taskforce also reviewed conditions of service and the overall structure of the public service. 

  Overall Observations

The Taskforce identified endemic abuses across allowances, procurement, and employment contracts, concluding that most control measures against wastage and abuse had collapsed. Key weaknesses included: Legal/Policy: Outdated, inadequate, and inconsistent laws (e.g., Public Service Act 1994, Malawi Public Service Regulations 1991). Systems/Procedures: Non-adherence, weak enforcement of rules and sanctions, lack of rewards for compliance. Human Capacity: Poor selection/deployment, lack of knowledge, ignoring procedures (like audit queries), weak performance management. Structures: Uncoordinated oversight, lack of a national body for harmonizing conditions, slow/partial devolution. ICT: Underutilization of Integrated Financial Management Information System, reliance on manual processes (allowances, procurement). Ethics: Moral decay, poor discipline, lack of integrity across the service. Equity: Remuneration disparities violating the principle of equal pay for work of equal value.

  

Key Findings and Recommendations by Area 

1. Allowances Problem: Allowances constitute a large part of the budget (Malawi Kwacha 79 Billion in 2019/20). Despite a 'clean wage' policy (2004), numerous allowances have created inequalities. Abuse is rampant, especially with subsistence allowances (Malawi Kwacha 33.7 Billion spent vs Malawi Kwacha 27.4 Billion approved in 2019/20). Billions lost through fraudulent claims (false travel, unauthorized activities, overlapping claims, unsigned receipts). Audit queries are largely ignored (only 1.5% of 908 internal audit queries resolved 2017-2020). Sitting allowances for Members of Parliament/staff amount to double payment for core duties. Parastatal board sitting allowances incentivize unnecessary meetings. Health worker 'Risk Allowance' is a double payment given existing 'Top-Up Allowance'.

  Recommendations: 

Local Travel: Implement a mandatory full-board system (direct payment to hotels) progressively from July 2021, replacing cash Daily Subsistence Allowance. Department of Human Resource Management and Development to negotiate government rates. Enforce 30-day payment of hotel invoices. Abolish illegal meal allowances for in-station meetings. External Travel: Abolish ad-hoc rate increases. Standardize rates based on destination costs (United Nations model) and make them uniform regardless of grade. Enforce limits on delegation size/duration. Strictly prohibit 'top-up' allowances for fully-funded trips. Sitting Allowances: Eliminate for Members of Parliament and Parliamentary staff. Replace per-meeting sitting allowances for Parastatal Boards with annual honoraria (paid quarterly). Stop Transport & Travel allowances for Ex-Officio board members using government vehicles/fuel. Parliament to budget for its own oversight visits, not rely on parastatals. Risk Allowance: Eliminate entirely. Address genuine profession-specific needs through conditions of service reviews. Accountability: Mandate immediate action on all outstanding audit queries by Controlling Officers within 30 days, with sanctions enforced by the Secretary to the President and Cabinet. Empower the Secretary to the Treasury (through Public Finance Management Act amendment) to surcharge officers personally liable for financial losses. Revive independent Audit Committees. Make action on audits a key performance indicator for Controlling Officers and the Secretary to the President and Cabinet. Appoint a permanent Auditor General immediately. 

2. Employment Contracts

Problem: Conflicts exist between the Public Service Act (Presidential appointment powers for Grade E+) and specific Parastatal Acts regarding hiring authority. Malawi Public Service Regulations (1991) is outdated. Poor enforcement of existing laws prevails. Political appointees (Personal Assistants, non-career diplomats) are often absorbed into the permanent civil service ("back-door entry"), demoralizing staff and politicizing the service. Some appointees are arbitrarily given higher grades without following procedures. Unqualified candidates are sometimes recruited, and procedures are flouted (ultra vires appointments, skipping interviews). Political influence, cronyism, and corruption affect recruitment. The practice of "warehousing" (deploying staff without assigning functions but paying them) exists. Recommendations: Legal Framework: Review and harmonize the Public Service Act, Malawi Public Service Regulations, and Parastatal Acts. Appointments in parastatals must follow their specific Act unless explicitly stated otherwise. Develop clear guidelines for Grade E+ recruitment. Political Appointees: Must not transition into the permanent civil service. Their contract length should align with their principal's term of office. Develop clear guidelines for implementing gender quotas (40/60) and hiring 'rare skills'. Irregularities: Terminate all irregular contracts (unqualified, unprocedural hires, political absorptions, post-retirement hires without approval) by June 2021. End "warehousing" immediately; use proper disciplinary or redundancy procedures. Resolve cases of redeployed officers within 3 months. Diplomats: Develop clear Malawi Public Service Regulations guidelines on eligibility, recruitment, and selection, aligning placements with foreign policy goals. Oversight: Establish a National Remuneration Directorate (under the recommended Public Service Commission) to harmonize pay/benefits across the entire public service. Conduct Human Resource audits across the service and act on findings.

  3. Conditions of Service 

Problem: Huge salary disparities exist, with the civil service paid significantly less than parastatals, violating 'equal pay for equal value'. Lowest civil service grades earn far below the basic needs basket (Grade R 61.5% below). Excessive vehicle (3500cc Prado for Grade C+) and fuel (500L/month) entitlements create massive costs (Malawi Kwacha 36.6 Billion purchase cost, Malawi Kwacha 4.07 Billion/year fuel) and wastage. Parastatals abuse vehicle disposal policies. Parastatal executives receive generous private school fees benefits, unavailable in the civil service. Performance management systems are largely dysfunctional and not linked to rewards/sanctions. Discipline has eroded due to poor enforcement and outdated regulations. Staff welfare systems (e.g., loan schemes) have collapsed. 

Recommendations: 

Salaries: Rationalize and harmonize across the public service. Raise lowest civil service pay towards the basic needs basket (phased, potentially using non-taxable housing/transport allowances). Freeze salaries in highest-paying parastatals. Review salaries against cost of living quarterly (via Public Service Commission). Ensure salaries are within approved scales (investigate Electricity Generation Company case). Vehicles/Fuel: Downgrade vehicle entitlements (e.g., Grade C to 2500cc like RAV4). Introduce a vehicle ownership loan scheme for Grade D and potentially lower grades. Reduce the number of vehicles for Ministers/Deputies/Grades A&B. Extend vehicle disposal period or increase buy-out price. Standardize fuel allowances. School Fees: Abolish the benefit entirely for executives in all public institutions (except diplomats posted abroad during their tour and transition period). Let current contracts expire. Systems: Enforce Performance Management rigorously, linking it to rewards/sanctions. Make it a key deliverable for Controlling Officers. Revamp disciplinary processes with clear manuals and strengthened committees. Re-establish staff welfare loan schemes (emergency, vehicle). Develop comprehensive welfare policies (health, work-life balance). Medical Scheme: Progressively roll out contributory medical cover to ALL civil servants, starting immediately with Grade I. 

  4. Procurement

Problem: The manual, paper-based system lacks transparency, enabling widespread malfeasance (fraud, corruption, collusion). Flawed processes include poor planning (bid slicing, under-budgeting), specifications tailored to favour suppliers, manipulation of evaluation criteria, abuse of single-sourcing, political interference, and awarding contracts to known poor performers. The 'lowest evaluated bid' principle often results in poor quality or abandoned projects. Government pays massively inflated prices. Multiple, confusing approval points (statutory: Public Procurement and Disposal Authority, Anti-Corruption Bureau; administrative: Office of the President and Cabinet, Government Contracting Unit, Ministry of Justice) cause delays and undermine Public Procurement and Disposal Authority's authority. Public Procurement and Disposal Authority lacks capacity (high vacancy rate). Consulting engineers lack accountability and sometimes collude with contractors. Framework agreements (e.g., Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association of Malawi Memorandum of Understanding) lead to exorbitant prices. Preferential procurement rules lack clarity. 

  Recommendations: 

Digitization: Expedite rollout of e-Procurement system nationwide, including e-marketplaces for price comparison. Awarding Criteria: Mandate inclusion of past performance. Replace 'lowest evaluated bid' with 'most economically advantageous bid' for complex procurements. Combat Malfeasance: Require disclosure of beneficial owners. Link Public Procurement and Disposal Authority/Registrar General/Malawi Revenue Authority systems. Develop and enforce use of market price indexes. Sanction collusion and overpricing. Terminate the Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association of Malawi Memorandum of Understanding immediately; use open competition with standard preference margins. Capacity & Planning: Upgrade procurement roles/grades within Ministries, Departments and Agencies. Fill all Public Procurement and Disposal Authority vacancies urgently. Enforce procurement planning aligned with budgets and the Public Sector Investment Programme. Ensure projects only start with full funding identified. Streamline Approvals: Remove administrative vetting layers (Office of the President and Cabinet, Government Contracting Unit role limited to contract support). Clarify Anti-Corruption Bureau's vetting role to avoid conflict with investigations. Resource Government Contracting Unit adequately for contract management support only. Withdraw circulars mandating specific suppliers/brands (e.g., Prado). Accountability: Hold consulting engineers professionally liable for substandard work (joint debarment with contractors). Public Procurement and Disposal Authority/National Construction Industry Council to regulate them better. Enforce strict sanctions (debarment, surcharge, prosecution) against officials and suppliers for misconduct. Intensify Public Procurement and Disposal Authority monitoring and post-reviews. 

  5. Restructuring the Public Service 

Problem: Lack of clear constitutional/legal definitions ("Government", "Public Service"). Secretary to the President and Cabinet's role as Head of the entire Public Service conflicts with the Constitution (only mentions Secretary to Cabinet) and Separation of Powers. No constitutional limits on the number of ministries, constituencies, or senior judges, leading to potential bloat and instability. Duplication and fragmentation of functions exist. Devolution is slow and incomplete. Governance of State-Owned Enterprises is weak (Department of Statutory Corporations relevance questioned, Reserve Bank of Malawi operates with excessive independence, inconsistent board structures). Political interference blurs lines between Ministers' policy/oversight roles and Principal Secretaries' administrative/implementation roles. 

  Recommendations:

Constitutional/Legal Clarity: Amend Constitution to clearly define "Government" and "Public Service". Establish an independent, overarching Public Service Commission responsible for harmonizing grading, remuneration, conditions, appointments, and discipline across the entire public service. Define Secretary to the President and Cabinet constitutionally as Head of the Civil Service only. Structure & Size: Introduce constitutional limits on the number of ministries (max 21 recommended), constituencies (max 200), and senior judges. Standardize definitions of ministry/department/division structures. Conduct a comprehensive functional review to eliminate duplication and align structure with Malawi 2063. System of Government: Hold a national conference and referendum to decide on the optimal system (presidential, parliamentary, hybrid) to address issues like Ministers serving as Members of Parliament. Stop assigning sitting judges to executive roles. Devolution: Fast-track complete devolution of functions, funding, assets, and Human Resource management to local authorities, making them the primary service delivery points. Central government to focus on policy, standards, Monitoring and Evaluation, and resource mobilization. State-Owned Enterprise Governance: Review the relevance of Department of Statutory Corporations. Standardize board appointments (competitive selection, independent chairs). Improve Reserve Bank of Malawi accountability (remove Public Finance Management Act exemption, review governance structure). Ensure all State-Owned Enterprises adhere to public finance laws. Roles: Amend Constitution/Public Service Act to clearly delineate Minister's role (policy formulation, direction, oversight) from Principal Secretary's role (chief executive: advising minister, implementation, day-to-day management). 

  Conclusion

The report proposes radical, systemic changes necessary to address the deep-seated dysfunction observed across Malawi's public service, affecting areas from daily allowances and procurement practices to employment conditions and the very structure of government. The success of these reforms hinges critically on several interconnected factors: Strong Political Will: This requires unwavering commitment from the highest levels of all three branches of government – the Executive, Legislature, and Judiciary. Leadership must set the example, accepting potential reductions in benefits (such as the proposed downgrading of vehicle entitlements for senior officials) and consistently enforcing sanctions against misconduct, even when politically sensitive. The recommendation to introduce performance appraisals for the Secretary to the President and Cabinet and even public participation in Ministerial appraisals underscores this need for top-down accountability. Comprehensive Legal Reforms: The foundation of the current dysfunction lies partly in outdated and inconsistent legislation. Implementing the recommendations necessitates significant legal changes, including amending the Constitution (to clarify definitions, establish the Public Service Commission, set limits on government size), updating the Public Service Act and Malawi Public Service Regulations, amending the Public Finance Management Act (e.g., to empower the Treasury to surcharge officials for losses), and harmonizing various Parastatal Acts. Without these legal underpinnings, reforms lack authority and enforceability. Improved Economic Performance Funded by Reduced Wastage: The report highlights billions lost through abuses – for instance, the Malawi Kwacha 7.08 billion in 'illegal allowances' noted in National Audit Office reports between 2010-2019, the estimated Malawi Kwacha 5.89 billion annual cost of executive school fees, or the potential Malawi Kwacha 46-50 billion in vehicle purchase savings over five years. Successfully curbing this wastage is not just an ethical imperative but an economic one. These recovered funds are essential to finance critical reforms like raising civil service salaries towards the basic needs basket and improving the provision of public services, thereby creating a virtuous cycle where better conditions reduce incentives for corruption. Buy-in from Public Servants and the Citizenry: Lasting change requires acceptance and participation from those within the system and those it serves. Clear, consistent communication is needed to explain why these reforms are vital, linking the identified abuses directly to poor service delivery and economic stagnation. Engaging public service unions, civil society organizations, and the media in monitoring implementation can build trust. Furthermore, fostering a culture change, as recommended through initiatives on ethics training in schools and the public service and identifying national champions for values, is crucial for embedding integrity long-term. Ultimately, addressing the identified weaknesses requires a coordinated, persistent effort across all these fronts. It demands confronting entrenched interests, overhauling outdated systems, and committing to transparency and accountability, demonstrating that ethical governance and efficient public service are the cornerstones for achieving the Malawi 2063 vision.

Here is the Supreme Court Ruling Upholding the Constitutional Court Ruling that Ordered Fresh Elections in Malawi

An election was held in poor Malawi in 2019, Peter Mutharika won by the narrowest margin, the others MCP and UTM challenged the 'win' in court, the Constitutional Court agreed with the 'others' and ordered a fresh election... Peter Mutharika of DPP  in cahoots with MEC [strangely] appealed the said court decision at the Supreme Court, the highest court there is in Malawi [in case you didn't catch the 'supreme' reference]. The Supreme Court has just delivered its verdict [on 8th May 2020]... it has agreed with the Constitutional Court and upheld its verdict. This means Malawi will have to hold new elections and go with the 50+1 system. It also means the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) was indeed weighed and found wanting.

Read the full verdict here. You will have to download the PDF.

HRDC killed Democracy with MEC Sealing

By sealing Malawi Electoral Commission premises across the country, HRDC normalised lawlessness and dealt democracy a big blow. A blow so big, we might actually never recover from as we descend into failed state status. The rape imagery is to underline the gravity.

All the demonstrations that HRDC has conducted to date, all the petition - whether the DC have permission or not - have all been a great sign of a vibrant civil society. People in China or Russia must be watching and wondering how we got so lucky to be able to express ourselves so freely.

All that changed today.

Akin to Rape - HRDC crosses the line.

Malawi is a country based on laws and the constitution. At least this is what we all have agreed is the truth. ‘Rule of Law’ is the phrase we love to invoke when we issue incantations to summon the spirit of democracy.

Before I continue, I will have to issue a disclaimer: I hate DPP and I think Peter Mutharika wouldn’t know a leader if he sat next to Nelson Mandela. DPP is a criminal cartel that is delaying Malawi’s progress.

I also don’t have any soft spots for Jane Ansah. All democrats in her position would have resigned once their role was called into question. The Romanian prime minister resigned because there was a fire at a nightclub. He was not even there nor did he start it but resigned over it. Ansah’s strange unflinching resolve to cling on to office is hard to explain.

With that said, we are a serious country with laws. A democracy. A republic. What HRDC did today was illegal and will still be illegal tomorrow.

If MEC is compromised by the executive branch or external powers, the courts and parliament can fix it. UTM and MCP were doing just that, they sought the court’s help and the court ruled in their favour. MEC has a competence problem was the verdict.

MEC feeling wronged also sought the court’s intervention - all this being very much their right in a democratic dispensation just like it was UTM/MCP’s right earlier.

This is why the HRDC’s actions constitute raping of our young nascent democracy. HRDC can go to court if it feels MEC is trying to game democracy. HRDC can demonstrate and rally public opinion and even play psychological games to make the judges subconsciously lean in their favour.

The sealing of public offices was too much. They say one’s right to swing a fist ends where another’s nose starts - HRDC swung its fist right into MEC’s nose and that is not okay. MEC’s nose also happens to be our democracy’s nose. Very not okay.

People can rise up when tyranny takes over – I know a great French philosopher that recommends that – but we are not there yet. It is just Jane Ansah, MEC and APM and so far, they seem to be losing. So why take the law in your hands?

If they can seal MEC, why not just go all the way top the state house and seal the gates there also? Why not also go to MBC to switch off transmission? Don’t forget the corrupt and inept traffic police!

The actions of HRDC today also beg the question: Where is the victory in this? Who will the chains stop? MEC officials will simply saw them off, it is not like that would be contempt of court or anything. What does HRDC gain? 

Kamuzu raped that girl repeatedly because people were not woke. HRDC committed democratic rape in full view of some of the most educated and the rape was beamed all over the internet. In 2020.

The ‘media’ updated us on every step HRDC took: chains hanging about like CrossFit athletes. The public cheered, danced and provided the ambient music. The Police - the very body with the mandate to stop law breaking - gave HRDC a wide berth just like the police in Mexico looking away while the Sinaloa cartel passes or Afghan police when the Taliban approaches.

MDF was there too, as if there was an external threat afoot.

They all just watched on as the big dick of the HRDC sliced that little girl’s vagina. Not one among them stopped to think about the implications.

No word from the courts, no word from UTM and MCP, no word from the usually readily available political analysts or the long-nosed-dollar-wagging white donors who also usually always never pass up a chance to lecture others on democracy.

Already Facebook is awash with pictures of MEC offices being sealed shut across the nation, tomorrow the newspapers will also force-feed us with the pictures and headlines of the same shit.

I understand the vibe is all about hashtag DPPOut, but ours is also a constitutional republic. One can either be a democrat or not. There is no middle ground. We cannot operate like Limbe vendors sometimes and play constitutional republican at other times.

Acemoglu and Robinson in their book ‘Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty,’ a study that examined countries all over the globe, found that many countries that do well do not do so because they are lucky or have high IQ or have resources. Most successful countries just have proper and truly democratic institutions.

If we cannot respect our institutions it is as good as not having them. If we don’t have the institutions, we can create some. We can create one to make justice get delivered quickly, we can make others to deal with belligerent institutions or officers. So far, I think we have some of these, all we need is to respect them.

Only then will we be a true democracy.

Chimunthu Banda: His Story..from soccer, politics to Reggae

This might as well be the only authoritative text on one Henry Chimunthu Banda, MP and Speaker of Parliament. I sent a zillion questions to him before the DPP convention, I wanted to get a round story on him and I did. He might have lost the bid to lead DPP in 2014, but we now know him better, thanks to himself.

He is a rare guy, he answered me from his Blackberry, then Ipad indicating that he is not behind the times, his email has the phrase "MoreBlack," indicating a dosage of Rasta or Pan Africanism there...

99% of the text below was written by Chimunthu himself, the questions have been eliminated. Enjoy.

...born on 30th December 1962

....am from Chipembere village, T A Kanyenda in Nkhotakota.

.....The highest qualification I have is Master’s Degree in Leadership and Change Management (from Leeds Metropolitan University).

...married to Felistace with whom I have three children (one girl and two boys).

......My wife is a graduate of Bunda College.

.......my favourite dish is fresh fish either roasted or grilled served with nsima.

........on romantic days we tend to listen to some old songs and albums to remind ourselves of those early days of our relationship. On such days we normally play music of such artists as: Eric Donaldson, Don Williams, and Dolly Parton.

....... During my free time I normally do two things: either going to any one of our farms to supervise farming activities or attending to flowers around the house. In addition to growing crops such as sugarcane, soya beans, maize, burley tobacco, ground nuts, we also rear cattle and goats and do fish farming as well.

....... On music: my favourite is country and western as well as Reggae music. I also like listening to local music of such musicians as Skeffa Chimoto, Lucius  Banda, and Symon ndi Kendle just to mention a few.

...... Favourite sport is football. I like watching as well as playing football.

....... I am inspired by whoever climbs the social ladder against all odds. Without mentioning names, these are individuals I have great admiration for.

........ I am a Christian and a member of CCAP church.

......... My favourite Bible book is Jeremiah...

.......major hobbies: swimming and sightseeing. I like seeing green vegetation around me and around my home. For this reason, quite often I undertake nature walks to admire and appreciate the natural green vegetation, the breath- taking landscapes as well as the lovely water courses that our country is endowed with. You may wish to know that geography and earth sciences are my areas of specialisation.

........ I am aware that in the last two weeks there has been an avalanche of propaganda statements that have been churned against me. But I will not respond to such statements so as not to dignify them. Those statements need to be viewed as signs of desperation for power which I believe is very unfortunate.  However, there is information in the public domain to the effect that I have always been bad- mouthed by certain individuals in the party even when late President Prof Bingu wa Mutharika was alive. There is documentary evidence to that effect.

But as if that was not enough, last year my detractors generated a story that I have sold five houses to raise money for my DPP presidential campaign. Today the story is that I have been given money to destabilise the party. This is very laughable! And I can foresee more propaganda statements coming up as we approach the 17th of April.  But I will not be deterred from achieving my set goal of offering the much needed leadership to the only political party that I helped to form and am it's Trustee.  

I am determined to offer my services against all odds for the furtherance of its ideals. As such I have no I'll-feelings against colleagues who are peddling unfounded stories in the run up to the Convention. I take it that that's the strategy they have opted for.

 .......Question: you recently called your competitor and regional governor south and advised them against practicing politics of regionalism. What was your intention?

Answer: Basing on the contacts that I have had with convention delegates in all the four political regions, it is obvious that I will carry the day during the convention. Party members at Constituency, District, Region and NGC levels are all geared towards ushering in new leadership at the helm of the party. Majority of them have assured me that they want leadership which is tried and tested.  This being the case, I do not want to take over the party which is divided on regional lines.

This is what motivated me to call the colleagues you have asked about.  As president of the party after 17th April, I will continue to reach out to all members of the Party including those who publicly portray the impression that they may not vote for me.  Therefore my immediate task shall be to put systems in place that give confidence to all party members and supporters that the party belong to themselves irrespective of their region of origin.

........Intra- party democracy: what do I promise Malawians and DPP party supporters?

Answer: intra party democracy is an essential element in the functioning of every political party. I consider intra party democracy as democracy within the party itself. Where there is intra party democracy there is collective ownership of decisions which emanate from the culture of free debate of critical issues without fear of reprisals. My vision of the DPP therefore is that of a party that will promote internal debate with an ultimate aim of reducing factionalism.

It will also be necessary to create internal conflict management systems. In the current constitution of the party there is a provision for the creation of the Disciplinary Committee, and my immediate task will be to operationalise this committee for the simple reason of proper handling of emerging conflicts within the party. Furthermore, I am looking forward to creating non- personalised leadership and to identify myself with the people as a servant leader. This is possible because my style of leadership acknowledges the fact that I am simply the first amongst equals.

 My vision for DPP

> Let me begin by saying, the DPP remains the most popular political party in the country at the moment. But that be as it may, there is urgent need to rebrand the party in order to enhance our chances in 2014.

This is so because as a party in power some twelve months ago, there might be areas where we needed to change and position ourselves for yet another victory next year. This is in light of the fact that the party enjoys popular support in all the four political regions.

But as Albert Einstein put it: “you cannot solve problems with the same thinking that you created those problems". My view is that we need to carry out an honest SWOT analysis of the party's strength and weaknesses. Difficult questions must be asked which must be provide honest responses. By so doing, we shall show that we are not only democratic, but progressive as well.

> My vision therefore is to have a party that encompasses the views of all its members in all the four political regions. A party that every member would truly call theirs. I want to lead a party that respects its own fundamental ideologies which were espoused at its formation. My vision is a party whose Members are equal irrespective of their region of origin.

Uthenga Wa Chichewa Kwa A Malawi Onse Pa Za Kuyendera Ufulu Za Pa 20 Julayi

A Third In A Series Of Articles On The Malawi 20 July Demonstrations:

"Pa 20 July Pano, Monga Mwamvera Kale, A Malawi Okonda Dziko Lawo Azayenda Ngati Mbalame Zakunyanja Kuyendera Ufulu Wawo Umene Ukunka Nasowa Ndikuponderezedwa Muno MuMalawi, Amalawi Okhuzidwa Amene Akupanga za Ziwoneserozi Ali Ndi Uthenga Uwu Kwa a Malawi...."

Inu nonse a Malawi mukudziwa kuti mudzaka zisanu zoyamba za ulamuliro wa a pulezident Bingu wa Mutharika anthu tinatangwanika ndikuona ngati tiona zeni zeni ngati dziko. Ife ngati anthu amene timatsatira mwandondomeko zakayendetsedwe ka boma la democracy komanso potsatira zimene inu a Malawi eni munasankha mmene tinkasintha ulamuliro kuchoka ulamuliro wa chipani chimodzi mzaka za 1992 mpakana 1994.

Malawi tsopano wabwerera mbuyo ndipo wasanduka choseketsa cha anthu zifukwa za zinthu izi:-

1. Kusowa ndalama za kunja zomwe timatha kugulira zinthu monga mankhwala, mafuta ndi zina zofunika.
2. Kupereka bizinesi kwa anthu omwe ali pa ubale ndi pulezidenti ndi amtundu wake.
3. Kusamvera malangizo ngakhale ochokera kwa atsogoleri a mipingo ndi zipembedzo.
4. Kudzichemerera ndikusamvera kwake kwamtsogoleri wadziko lino
5. Kufuna kusandutsa u pulezidenti ngati ufumu pofuna kusiira mng’ono wake mpando wa pulezidenti mopanda kutsatira ndondomeko zoyenera za demokalase ndi ulamuliro wabwino.
6. Kuchitira nkhanza ndi kusawalemekeza a Malawi ena omwe agwira ntchito yokonza dziko la Malawi mbuyomu komanso ngakhale omwe iye wagwira nawo ntchito chifukwa chomulangiza.
7. Kuthamangitsa anthu othandiza dziko lino komanso otigula malonda athu ngati fodya.
8. Kuopyedza ufulu wachibadwidwe wa a Malawi poopsyedza atsogoleri a mabungwe omwe Sali a boma komanso manyuzipepala ndi mawailesi omwe Sali a boma.
9. Posintha malamulo mosaganizira zomwe a Malawi anawaikira malamulowo ndizolingazo.
10. Kusowa kwamafuta a magalimoto ndi zina zotero kwa nthawi yayitali.
11. Kuletsa kugula mafuta mzigubu ngakhale galimoto itakuthera mafutawo panjira kapena kunyumba kwanu.
12. Kunyozera zigamulo za ma khoti komanso kuopyeza ogwira ntchito mmakhotimo ndikuwamana malipilo awo motsutsana ndi malamulo.
13. Kukondera popatsa maudindo a mboma ndi mabungwe aboma komanso business kwa anthu a mtundu wake wokha.
14. Kuzunza atsogoleri akale ndi ena monga a pulezidenti opuma powakaniza kupita kuchipatala ndi achiwiri awe komanso a Chilumpha ndi a Vice Prezident a dziko lino  chifukwa choti ndi mzimai.
15. Kuzikundikira chuma pogula ndi kumanga nyumba 15  kunja ndi kuno komwe pogwiritsa ndalama zomwe zikanatukula dziko lino.
16. Kupatsa mkazache malipiro (salary) pogwira ntchito yothandiza yomwe ena amagwira osalipidwa.
17. Kumangiridwa nyumba ndi zina ndi contractor yemwe akumpatsa ma contract a boma popanda ndondomeko.
18. Kusamutsa university yoti imangidwe ku Lilongwe kuipititsa ku mudzi ndi munda wake ku Ndata ngati ndi yake
19. Kumpatsa galimoto zomwe ziyenera kuyenda ndi anthu ngati pulezidenti ndi wachiwiri wake (convoy) kwa Peter Mutharika atalanda kw a Veep ndi a pulezidenti opuma pamene iye ali nduna wamba.
20. Kulemba ntchito achibale ake mmaudindo akulu akulu a boma ndi mabungwe a boma.
21. Kupereka chimanga mwaulere ku Zimbabwe mopanda chilolezo chochokera kunyumba ya malamulo.
22. Kunamiza a Malawi kuti iye ngwa nzeru pamene akulephera kuyendetsa dziko.
23. Kutseka sukulu zaukachenjede pamene analumbira kuti muulamuliro wake sukulu zimenezi sizizatsekedwanso.
24. Kunyoza mavenda ndi anthu amalonda.
25. Kuononga ndalama za boma pomanga damu kuNsanje popanda kuwafunsa a ku Mozambique omwe akukhudzidwa ndi mbali ina yantchitoyi.
26. Kuwabera anthu omwe akupereka zinthu mboma ponama ndi nkhani ya funding.
27. Kukhometsa misonkho mosaona kuvutika kwa anthu.
28. Kuopsedza atsongolori a Zipani zotsutsa ndi amabubgwe amene si Aboma
29. Kungwiritsa ndi kuphangira nyumba zaulusila mau za Amalawi (MBCTV) kutukwana amalawi.
30. Kusapereka malipiro kwa Ziphunzitsi and ena ogwira Mmboma mu nthawi yoyenera 
31. Kugwiritsa Ntchito Apolisi molakwika kutolera makobili Mmusewu ngati  MRA kutolera Misokho. 
32. Kusakha popereka Chitukuko cha Dziko pokondera Madera ena monga kwawo kwa A Prezidenti

Nkhani zonsezi ndi zina zotero zikuonetsa kuti akuluwa boma lawakanika kuliyendetsa- akuyesa kuti utsogoleri ndi njira yongolemelera ndikutchukapo. Tsopano nthawi yakwana kuti a Malawi tonse tidzuke ndikumuchotsa munthu wadyerayu pampando akupume kundende. Tikupempha a Malawionse kuti tigwirane manja kuti pa 20 July pano tichotse munthu ameneyu. Tipemphe achitetezo monga asilikali a nkhondo ndi apolisi kuti ateteze a  Malawi onse patsiku limeneli ndi masiku akubwerawa.

Ife a Malawi okhudzidwa.

Planning The Demos Has Been A Thorough Job Here Is A Peek

Theme: Uniting for Peaceful Resistance Against Bad Economic and Democratic Governance

“A Better Malawi is Possible! “

Task to be done:-

·         Establishment of a core organising team, comprising of leaders from stakeholder organisations

·         Letters to City Assemblies (North, Centre and South)  for notification on  the demonstration

·         Write the police to  provide security and guard against thugs, unruly elements seeking to disrupt the  March;

·         Mobilise urban and rural stakeholders to generate a massive response;

·         Coordination ensuring that we all move together, handling internal communications, establishing chain of command;

·         Drafting of themes for flyers/ posters/banners, use of red cards. Flyers should be distributed 2/3 days before the demo date. 20,000 flyers to be printed. 500-1000 whistles. Flyers will include issues in relation to economic hardships and bad governance. (key fuel ,forex shortage and undemocratic laws)

·         Use of an open truck and one or two musicians on it during match or pre-match into key townships.

·         Publicity – to organise & handle media coverage to achieve maximum effect through i.e. Zodiak, Joy, Mij, nation and daily times. We need use of public address a day before for publicity and on the actual day.

·         Radio announcements to emphases DISCIPLINE during demonstrations.

·         Creating publicity through social networking i.e. FB/twitter/SMs etc.

·         Liaise with Vendors Association, Minibus Association and Taxis Association.

·         Linking up with Nurses Ass. Congoma, MCTU, CCJP, Nkhoma Synod and Students.

·         Linking up with Cosatu and other SADC regional NGOs for solidarity.

·         Press conferences; 2 days before the march and immediately after the march

·         Invite international media to cover

·         Assign a communication officer from one participating organisation to coordinate recording of the events in all regions (through videocam and still camera’s)

·         Assign someone to manage demo facebook page and update the demo page constantly, especially with pictures

·          

Tentative date: - 20^th July 2011/ Regional demonstration/down tools.

Message: 'If you can't join and you're an all CEO, MD, Police, Army, and Civil Servant' please release your house servant/garden boy etc on that day.

Aftermath: - Continued voice and maintaining the pressure on the Government until they address the issues and improve their   performance/ use creative media to mobilise involvement e.g. facebook, blogs, twitter;

Colours to be used: - Red Colour (dress/wear anything RED (T/Shirts/Red Card/ placards/ banners, Red whistles)

Route to Use:-

Southern Region: - Blantyre District Office through Kamuzu Highway to Kamuzu Stadium to Civic Offices

Central region: from Community Ground through old town/ Kasungu Highway to City Centre

Northern Region: From Katoto Ground to City Assembly.

In your face, Mutharika – This new website seems to say!

"The Fedayeen Bingu wa Mutharika has been formed in Malawi. The Fedayeen Bingu wa Mutharika is similar to that of Fedayeen Saddam of Iraq's regular armed forces but rather operated as a paramilitary unit of irregular forces.   Bingu wa Mutharika formed a tribal Mulhako wa Alhomwe which is an organization made up of his tribe people."

I didn't write that, it's a quote from the yet to be introduced Website http://freedomanddemocracy.atmalawi.com/ which is already promising fireworks even in its construction stage...it takes a swipe at the Mutharika government and proposes cutting edge solutions to the maladies of the Malawi nation.

I will blog more on this Website but here are some excerpts from the site:

.......

Government

The People's Movement for Freedom and Democracy (PMFD) has been formed to build and safeguard a fair, free and open society, in which we seek to balance the fundamental values of liberty, equality and a community in which no-one shall be enslaved by poverty, tribalism, ignorance or conformity. We champion the freedom, dignity and well-being of individuals, we acknowledge and respect their right to freedom of conscience and their right to develop their talents to the fullest. We aim to disperse power, to foster diversity and to nurture creativity. We believe that the role of the state is to enable all citizens to attain these ideals, to contribute fully to their communities and to take part in the decisions which affect their lives.

The economic system that the PMFD shall embrace is the free market system where there shall be a rule of law. In order to achieve fairness among all the citizens of Malawi the PMFD is calling the ruling party of Malawi government to abolish the current election system and sit down with us to introduce Electoral College system based on the U.S. model. Each province shall be allocated Electoral College. For example: South Malawi = 32, Central Malawi = 30, North Malawi = 28. Electoral College required to win presidency will be 55 electoral college and above (The objective of Electoral College is to make all provinces relevant and to encourage participation of all citizens that everyone's vote count).

Policy 

First preference of the PMFD's economic policy is to improve trade relationships with other countries.  The PMFD economic policy is intended to make Malawi a market oriented economy, where most decisions are taken by private individuals and business firms. More flexibility will be enjoyed by business firms. Introduction of new products would help in economic growth of Malawi. These economic policies are to create new economic opportunities and the creation of millions of good paying jobs. Malawi needs to diversify its economy and also create business opportunities for the rural Malawians where 80% of its population live. The economic plan that the PMFD will embrace will help a rural Malawian farmer to market their products and get paid for what it is worth.  In order to attract foreign investments the PMFD is determined to build railroads and roads to connect the entire Malawi.  The PMFD is going to invest in its own people by building modern schools in rural Malawi and introducing Internet and computers to them.  The PMFD is also to build more hospitals to alleviate the crowding that exist right now. These projects will be done on provincial level.

................

Whoever is behind this site is very visionary and has my blessings after all ints within the realm of my blog: protest!

Police stop party launch, members cry foul; it’s sad for democracy –analyst

Armed Police in Mzuzu on Sunday stopped the launch of the newly registered People's Development Movement (PDM) a move that has angered its members and has attracted condemnation from political commentators.

According to the party's publicity secretary, Msenga Mulungu, police started intensifying their presence at Katoto Freedom Park, where the party was scheduled to launch, early on Sunday morning and at around 8AM ordered the platforms to be disbanded.

"They said they had orders from the Mzuzu City Assembly to stop the launch because the party was not registered and thus not supposed to stage any rally in the city," said Mulungu.

Mulungu wondered why the City Assembly could make such allegations when the party [PDM] has a certificate of registration issued by the Mzuzu High Court, Mulungu further alleged that the City Assembly was dabbling in the affairs of the court.

A letter from the city assembly said in part that the party should not hold any gatherings in the city whether on developed or undeveloped land and ordered all police officer to be on guard.

Mulungu said he tried to talk to City officials but didn't manage to convince them as they argued that the State, through the registrar of Political Parties, was still contesting the legality of PDM to the effect of getting a stay order that will calumniate into a court hearing slated for January six.

"The hearing is on 6 January that mean before that we are a legal party and we have our certificate," said Mulungu.

Mzuzu City Assembly Chief Executive, Richard Hara, refused to answer any questions saying he was on Holiday.

Mzuzu Police Spokesperson, Norah Chimwala also couldn't say anything and said she needed more time to find out what happened.

Commenting on the development, Mzuzu University's history lecturer and political analyst said that the disruption of the party launch was "sad for democracy."

"It is undemocratic and unconstitutional. The Malawi Constitution provides for freedom of association for every citizen after all the party is registered by the court," said Mbowela

Mbowela however said that they may be some procedure that was flouted by PDM that could render the disruption of its registered justified and said PDM ought to have cleared issues with the city officials.

"...but if everything was done then such actions may confirm other people's fears that the country is being governed in an MCP regime style and shows that the current government [DPP] doesn't want other parties coming in and gaining momentum," said Mbowela.

PDM has attracted many members including Harry Mkandawire, Loveness Gondwe and Richard Msowoya and the launch was to be graced by members from across the country.

PDM and government have been at daggers draw since the party applied for legal status. Its initial application was refused because it was openly critical of the Quota system, a revised application was turned down again and the registrar of political parties stopped responding to the applicants prompting them to forcibly register the party through the High Court on November 5 last year.

'JB wanted Bingu dead'

--

Malawians are now bored with the Joyce Banda (JB) firing story.... but wait; they are in for a surprising twist, Goodal Gondwe on Saturday added two more reasons to the ones the ruling party earlier listed for the firing, one of which was the allegation that JB wanted Bingu dead.

Mphepo organised the meet

Goodal was speaking at press briefing at Mary Mount Secondary School Hall in Mzuzu where the Northern DPP faithfulls gathered to issue a communiqué to notify the nation that the party was still strong even without JB and Khumbo Kachali.

“Joyce wanted Bingu dead and Kachali was electing own shadow MP’s a thing that made the party fire them. The party is now new without them,” said Gondwe, who is the Director of Economic for DPP.

Etta Banda - lashed out at JB

Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is quoted in the Weekend Nation Newspaper saying that

JB was fired for sabotaging the Nsanje port progress, and refusing to endorse Peter Mutharika which is a deviation from Goodal’s claims.

Minister of Health; David Mphande accused JB of financing anti-government propaganda via Nyasa Times.

“Nyasa Times is Bingu’s greatest enemy, and I am angry at Nyasa Times for alleging that my constituency was not represented at Manolo on Wednesday when the president was launching the tree planting season, on the contrary, there was a lorry full of people from Nkhata-bay south East, this is Joyce’s propaganda,” said Mphande.

Other DPP members also took turns to castigate JB; among those who spoke hard against here were Bessie Chirambo, Etta Banda, Vuwa Kaunda and Gotani Hara.

Gotani Hara said Joyce Banda does not like Northerners and said her hatred manifested with the absence of Northerners while she was Minister of Foreign affairs.

Akim Mwanza, MP for Mzimba Solola, who had once been fired from DPP for criticising Quota System of selecting students to university as discriminatory, said that after what he experienced nobody should dare blunder.

The party also took time to endorse Peter Mutharika’s 2014 presidential bid with the party’s deputy publicity secretary Wyson Mkochi claiming that it was the North’s idea that Peter succeed Bingu because he was the only one they saw as educated and experienced.

Another Mzimba MP, Bofomo Nyirenda, said he supported Peter Mutharika because he has records that Peter was instrumental in Malawi’s fight against Kamuzu Banda’s dictatorial rule.

Vuwa Kaunda - JB is not from the North

The meeting was organised by DPP’s Organising Secretary, Francis Mphepo and had many big wigs of the party in attendance in addition to about 80 faithfuls that had been ferried from across the Northern Region.

The meeting was never short of drama as the reporters that were called to the press conference were never allowed to ask questions a move that saw some respectable reporters like Edwin Nyirongo of The Nation Newspaper walk out in disappointment.

JB wished Bingu dead: Gondwe

Te meeting also come in the wake of mass resignation of DPP member with over 30 people including DPP’s Northern region organising secretary Frazer Chunga, district campaign director Bitton Nyirenda and Phato Theu, the Deputy District treasurer resigning in Mzimba on Thursday.

The 33 said they knew DPP through JB and KK and thus saw no reason of staying in the party now that the two were fired. They however said that they were not forming or joining any parties soon.